A Declaration by the
Representatives of the United Colonies of North-America, Now Met in Congress at
Philadelphia, Setting Forth the Causes and Necessity of Their Taking Up Arms.
If it was possible for
men, who exercise their reason to believe, that the divine Author of our existence
intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power
over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal
domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of
these colonies might at least require from the parliament of Great-Britain some evidence,
that this dreadful authority over them, has been granted to that body. But a reverance for
our Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all
those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare
of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature
of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only
unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of
that kingdom, and desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had
to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel
and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered
it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. - Yet, however
blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to
sight justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of
respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers,
inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these
shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the
hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed,
by unceasing labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant
and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike barbarians. --
Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under charters
from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the
kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in
a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed,
that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from
this source; and the minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of
Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to
triumph over her enemies. --Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign
to make a change in his counsels. -- From that fatal movement, the affairs of the British
empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious
prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are
at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. --
The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still
contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing
her faithful friends.
These devoted colonies
were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the
easy emoluments of statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and
respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and
useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most
honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save them
from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious
project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years, given
such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave
no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and
grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to
dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of
courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of
the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life
and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all
commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by
the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial,
and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the
joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and
for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been
resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be
transported to England to be tried.
But why should we
enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of
right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against
so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by
us; or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them
exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the
ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in
proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce
us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we
reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible
that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets
and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but
it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United
Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved
again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and also addressed our
fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful
measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our
fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon
earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves, was the
ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope
of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening
expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho'
we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it
graciously, and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses
among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in their
address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually
existed within the province of Massachusetts-Bay; and that those concerned with it, had
been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by
his majesty's subjects in several of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his
majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the
laws and authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial
intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by
an act of parliament; by another several of them were intirely prohibited from the
fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their
sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to
general Gage.
Fruitless were all the
entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished
peers, and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to
stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled
outrages were hurried on. -- equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London,
of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious
manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where
colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their
lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that
should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the
miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What
terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to
conquered enemies? in our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.
Soon after the
intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, general Gage, who in the
course of the last year had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of
Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out
from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the
inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits
of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment,
murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops
proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of
the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled
to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression.
Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them
without regard to faith or reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being confined within
that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission,
entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having
deposited their arms with their own magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking with
them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation
of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed
sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved
for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the
inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave
their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are
separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from
their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been
used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The general, further
emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June,
after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these
colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description, to be
rebels and traitors, to supercede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to
publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops have
butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number
of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of
provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and
devastation around him.
We have rceived certain
intelligence, that general Carelton[Carleton], the governor of Canada, is
instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but
too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies
against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of
feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated
calamities of fire, sword and famine. We(2) are reduced to the alternative of
chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance
by force. -- The latter is our choice. -- We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us
tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which
our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and
guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits
them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our
union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance
is undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine
favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe
controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised
in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts
fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the world,
declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator
hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to
assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence,
employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen
rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration
should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we
assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily
subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not
yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war
against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from
Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for
conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by
unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of
their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or
death.
In our own native land,
in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late
violation of it -- for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest
industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have
taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence
in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most
devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to
dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the
empire from the calamities of civil war.
(1) Primarily the work of
Thomas Jefferson and John Dickinson.p.168 Morison, Samuel Eliot and Henry Steele Commager,
William E. Leuchtenburg