On December 2, 1823 President James Monroe delivered a message to Congress in which he made a bold assertion about American foreign policy and relations with European powers. Monroe's statement reflected the growing self-confidence and national pride of the "Era of Good Feelings" but the United States had no real ability to back up his assertions. Nevertheless the Monroe Doctrine became one of the cornerstones of American foreign policy and is still periodically asserted by the United States Government particularly as it was modified by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1904.
.
. . At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the
Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister
of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective
rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A
similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain,
which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous
by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably
attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best
understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given
rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged
proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United
States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent
condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonization by any European powers. . .
A
strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that
they would succeed in their contest and resume their equal station among the nations of
the earth. It is believed that the whole civilized world take a deep interest in their
welfare. Although no power has declared in their favor, yet none, according to our
information, has taken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them
from dangers which might ere this have overwhelmed any other people. The ordinary
calculations of interest and of acquisition with a view to aggrandizement, which mingles
so much in the transactions of nations, seem to have had no effect in regard to them. From
the facts which come to our knowledge there is good cause to believe that their enemy has
lost forever all dominion over them; that Greece will become again an independent nation.
That she may obtain that rank is the object of our most ardent wishes.
It
was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in
Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it
appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that
the results have been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in
that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive
our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the
United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness
of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in
matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we
resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be
obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied
powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference
proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our
own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the
wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled
felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the
amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we
should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this
hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or
dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But
with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose
independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we
could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any
other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war
between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their
recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change
shall occur which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of this Government, shall
make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their
security.
The
late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important
fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it
proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the
internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same
principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ from
theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none of them more so than the
United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of
the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the
same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to
consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate
friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly
policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries
from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously
different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to
any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can
anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their
own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition
in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of
Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious
that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave
the parties to themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
Return to Timeline